What Is the Thesis Statement for the Article Childrearing Orientations in Mexican American Families:

SYNOPSIS

Objective

This article used the Parenting Beyond Cultures Project to evaluate similarities and differences in mean levels and relative agreement betwixt mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes in parenting in 9 countries.

Pattern

Mothers and fathers reported their perceptions of causes of successes and failures in caregiving and their progressive versus authoritarian childrearing attitudes. Gender and cultural similarities and differences in parents' attributions and attitudes in 9 countries were analyzed: China, Republic of colombia, Italy, Hashemite kingdom of jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, or the Us.

Results

Although mothers and fathers did not differ in any attribution, mothers reported more progressive parenting attitudes and modernity of childrearing attitudes than did fathers, and fathers reported more than authoritarian attitudes than did mothers. Country differences also emerged in all attributions and attitudes that were examined. Mothers' and fathers' attributions and their attitudes were moderately correlated, but parenting attitudes were more than highly correlated in parents than were attributions.

Conclusions

We describe connections among the findings across the 9 countries and outline implications for understanding similarities and differences in mothers' and fathers' parenting attributions and attitudes.

INTRODUCTION

Culture and Parenting Science

Adults do not parent in isolation, simply ever do so in a social and cultural context. Parents and cultures are, therefore, intimately bundled because two intertwined major goals of parenting are to successfully transmit the prevailing culture across generations and effectively embed the next generation into the existing culture. Culture comprises the means in which a drove of people process and make sense of their experiences and then shapes a wide array of functions, including cognitions and practices related to childrearing and child development.

The reasons to pursue cultural study in parenting science are many and compelling, and by now well known. One is description, and for this reason social commentary as a thing of class includes reports of family unit life. Insofar every bit cultural descriptions of parenting attempt to encompass the widest spectrum of human variation, they are besides the most comprehensive. They are vital to delimiting the total range of human experience and then are also critical to establishing realistic and valid norms. Furthermore, our awareness of culling modes of parenting sharpens our perceptions and enhances our understanding of the nature of childrearing in our own civilisation. Description is also prerequisite to other formal rationales, like caption. This motive for submitting caregiving in unlike cultures to psychological scrutiny derives from the extraordinary and unique ability that cultural comparisons furnish parenting science. Only the comparative view tin expose variables that regulate care but may remain invisible from a monocultural perspective. The cultural approach to analysis helps to distinguish those parenting constructs, structures, functions, and processes that are community specific from those that transcend or are independent of civilisation, and this kind of assay holds out the possibility of exposing how forces that vary globally (e.thousand., family structure, urbanization, nationality, religion, economics, and the like) differentially mold key features of human behavior.

This paper presents data from 9 countries that participated in the Parenting Across Cultures Project: China, Colombia, Italian republic, Jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States. When we refer to cultures and countries in this newspaper, nosotros do not mean to imply that our samples are representative of the entire country. For example, the Mainland china sample is only representative of two-parent families of 7- to 10-twelvemonth-sometime children in Jinan and Shanghai. For the sake of convenience, we refer to each sample according to the country in which it was collected. The newspaper uses data of a within-family framework to accost two primary questions with mothers and fathers. Kickoff, we ask what are the similarities and differences in mean levels of two sorts of mothers' and fathers' parenting cognitions, namely attributions and attitudes? 2d, we ask how highly are mothers' parenting attributions and attitudes correlated with fathers' parenting attributions and attitudes? We as well explore whether these effects are moderated past culture. This newspaper employs samples that take been understudied to date from countries that are underrepresented in the psychological literature more often than not and the parenting literature specifically.

Cultural Variation in Parents' Attributions and Attitudes about Parenting

Parenting is multidimensional, modular, and specific, and parenting is multiply determined (Bornstein, 2006). Here nosotros are concerned with ii sorts of parenting cognitions. Parental attributions and attitudes stand for different constructs, and each is shaped by many factors, notably culture. Considerable attending has been devoted to trying to empathise the intersection of culture and parents' cognitions (Bornstein & Lansford, 2009). On the one hand, parents, regardless of culture, need and might share certain cognitions, and cognitions presumably serve comparable functions for everyone, irrespective of culture; on the other hand, community-specific cognitions about childrearing can be expected to ascend and exist uniform with each specific gild's setting and needs.

Parents' attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving

Parenting attributions consist of "a multifariousness of judgments that parents make every bit they attempt to explain, evaluate, and predict their children's behaviors" (Miller, 1995, p. 1558). Bugental and Shennum (1984) focused on the extent to which parents' melancholia and behavioral responses to children's behavior differ, based on their perception of whether parents' own actions and those of their children are controllable. Thus, parents may attribute success or failure in caregiving to themselves, to their child, or to both themselves and their child. Dix and Grusec (1985) developed and tested an attributional model of parental cognitions wherein parents' affective reactions to children's behavior are asserted to vary based on their belief that such behaviors are intentional, controllable, or dispositional, as opposed to beingness determined by developmental limitations or situational constraints. Importantly, attributions for successes versus failures in caregiving are related to parents' behaviors in bodily caregiving situations. In one of the few cross-national studies of parents' attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving in Argentine republic, Belgium, France, Israel, Italy, Japan, and the United states, Bornstein et al. (1998) reported differences across countries with respect to the importance mothers placed on their own abilities and the child'southward characteristics as reasons for parenting successes and failures. The present study expands the cantankerous-cultural base of this research and extends it to older children and to fathers, assuasive us to draw comparisons across countries and parents within families.

Parents' progressive versus authoritarian childrearing attitudes

Attitudes plant a unique and distinct type of social cognition. They represent the hypothetical construct of a "psychological tendency that is expressed past evaluating a particular entity with some degree of favor or disfavor" (Eagly, 1992, p. 693). Thus, attitudes are based on cognition, but become beyond that information to evaluation. Childrearing attitudes have historically been a preeminent topic in parenting science. The get-go systematic study of parents published in North America assessed parental attitudes (Laws, 1927). Parents' childrearing attitudes found important dimensions of caregiving because, like attributions, attitudes touch on parents' practices toward their children and the types of environments that parents create for their children.

A key domain of parents' attitudes is the extent to which they hold progressive versus authoritarian childrearing views. Parents with progressive attitudes believe that children should be encouraged to think independently and enunciate their ideas, and these parents generally approach the parent-child human relationship out of a democratic framework (Okagaki & Frensch, 1998). By dissimilarity, parents with authoritarian attitudes emphasize strictness, respect for potency, and obedience (Dornbusch, Ritter, Liederman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987). Both mental attitude orientations see child agency as important. Parents who hold progressive attitudes tend to grant children more agency than practice parents who concord authoritarian attitudes. Depending on whether parents hold more than progressive or more authoritarian attitudes virtually parenting, they presumably socialize their children differently and behave in ways that instill their attitudes in their children.

Similarities and Differences in Mothers' and Fathers' Parenting Attributions and Attitudes

Attributions regarding outcomes of caregiving and progressive versus disciplinarian attitudes vary past characteristics of the parent, notably whether the parent is the mother or father. Two limitations of past research on parental attributions and attitudes have been their primary focus on mothers and on European Americans. The bulk of children throughout the earth grow up in family systems with more than than one significant parenting effigy. Until recently, however, most empirical research in parenting has focused on mothers lone, and virtually all guiding theories depict parenting and child development as unfolding within the context of the dyadic mother-child relationship. The parenting literature needs to await at both parenting figures. Researchers need to be attuned to the family unit's "parenting map" when attempting to study family unit process (Demo & Cox, 2000).

Understanding the attributions and attitudes of both mothers (Barnard & Solchany, 2002) and fathers (Parke, 2002) is therefore important because families are interconnected social systems (Bornstein & Sawyer, 2005). The coparenting dynamic is co-synthetic by both members of the family'southward "executive subsystem" (Minuchin, 1974). Finer functioning coparents collaborate to construction a family context that communicates to children solidarity and back up between significant adult parenting figures, who project a consistent and predictable set of rules and standards and a prophylactic and secure home (McHale, Lauretti, Talbot, & Pouquette, 2002). The nature of interadult coparenting dynamics within families is receiving attention as it becomes apparent that children are influenced, not just by discrete interactions with their mothers or with their fathers, but as well by the parenting parcel of mothers and fathers (Feinberg, 2003; McHale, Khazan, Erera, Rotman, DeCourcey, & McConnell, 2002; Teubert & Pinquart, 2010).

Although children are socialized past both mothers and fathers, men's reports of their parenting have historically been understudied (Parke, 2002). In that location is some prove that fathers complement mothers in basic caregiving and that mothers and fathers divide the labors of child caregiving. Even when parents are as engaged in parenting, mothers and fathers often differ in their styles of engagement (Dumas & Lechowicz, 1989). This paper focuses on understanding similarities and differences between mothers' and fathers' attributions for successes and failures in caregiving and in their progressive versus disciplinarian attitudes.

Some differences have been found in mothers' and fathers' attributions regarding outcomes of caregiving, and parenting attributions appear to be associated with other constructs in unlike ways for women and men. For instance, mothers' attributions are more strongly related than are fathers' attributions to sons' and daughters' ain attributions (Bugental & Martorell, 1999). Nevertheless under-studied is the rather bones issue of whether mothers and fathers prove similarities or differences in mean levels of, and degrees of agreement in, attributions regarding the causes of successes and failures in their caregiving and their progressive versus authoritarian attitudes. Of form, interparental levels and understanding might each be moderated by civilization. For case, differences in attitudes between Asian fathers and mothers may be captured in the traditional adage of the "strict father, kind female parent," which describes the expectation that fathers exert authoritarian control whereas mothers exhibit warmth toward their children (Chao & Tseng, 2002). Exploring similarities and differences in mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes across cultures volition contribute to a richer understanding of the joint socialization influences to which children are exposed in the family unit context.

Enquiry Questions

Previous cross-national comparative studies have non examined similarities and differences or degrees of concordance in mothers' and fathers' parenting attributions and attitudes. Because strong cultural differences exist with respect to family roles of women and men in full general (Best, 2010), and in their roles as parents in particular, the extent to which patterns of gender differences reported in one cultural context are found in other cultural contexts is not clear. Our analyses therefore address two chief research questions. Get-go, what are the similarities and differences in hateful levels of mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes across nine countries? 2d, how highly are mothers' attributions and attitudes correlated with fathers' attributions and attitudes beyond nine countries? We besides explored whether these furnishings were moderated by culture. Expanding enquiry on parenting to include within-family analysis of previously underrepresented groups is important to advance our understanding of the extent to which parenting cognitions are community-specific or generalizable across cultural groups.

METHOD

Participants

Mother-father dyads (N = one,133) of 7- to 10-year-onetime children from 9 countries provided data. Parents were recruited through schools that serve socioeconomically diverse populations in China (due north = 239 from Jinan and Shanghai), Colombia (n = 108 from Medellín), Italy (n = 177 from Rome and Naples), Jordan (n = 112 from Zarqa), Republic of kenya (n = 100 from Kisumu), the Philippines (n = 95 from Manila), Sweden (due north = 77 from Trollhättan/Vänersborg), Thailand (north = 87 from Chiang Mai), and the United States (north = 138 European Americans, Latin Americans, and African Americans from Durham, NC). Parents of girls and boys were represented in approximately equal numbers in each country subsample. (Details about each sample announced in country-specific papers in this Special Issue). In China, Italia, and the United States, data from 2 or 3 geographic or cultural groups were collected. However, no differences were found betwixt the subgroups in China, and despite the small differences found between groups in Italy and in the United States, nosotros combined all subgroups to examine country-level differences.

Procedures

Detailed procedures for each land tin can be establish in the Introduction (Lansford & Bornstein, 2012) and the private land papers in this Special Effect. A procedure of forward- and back-translation ensured the linguistic and conceptual equivalence of all measures (Maxwell, 1996). Measures were translated and culturally adjusted to ensure that the measures would exist valid in all sites (Erkut, 2010; Peña, 2007). Interviews were conducted in participants' homes, schools, or at another location called by the parents and used oral and written methods as appropriate. Parents completed a demographic questionnaire, a measure out of social desirability bias (Reynolds, 1982), and two parenting measures.

The analyses in this newspaper focus on constructs from the measures of attributions and attitudes (run across Lansford & Bornstein, 2012), the Parent Attribution Exam (Bugental & Shennum, 1984) and Parental Modernity Inventory (Schaefer & Edgerton, 1985). The Parent Attribution Test measures parents' perceptions of causes of successes and failures in hypothetical caregiving situations. Parents were presented with a hypothetical scenario that involved either a positive or negative interaction with a child (e.k., "Suppose you took care of a neighbor's child one afternoon, and the ii of you had a really expert time together."). Parents then rated on a vii-point scale (1 = not at all important, 7 = very important) how important factors such equally the child'south disposition and the parent's behavior were in determining the quality of the interaction. This measure yielded four variables: (one) attributions regarding uncontrollable success (6 items; e.g., how lucky you were in just having everything piece of work out well); (2) attributions regarding adult-controlled failure (6 items; e.g., whether yous used the incorrect approach for this kid); (3) attributions regarding child-controlled failure (6 items; due east.thousand., the extent to which the child was stubborn and resisted your efforts); and (4) perceived control over failure (the difference between attributions regarding adult-controlled failure and attributions regarding child-controlled failure).

The Parental Modernity Inventory (Schaefer & Edgerton, 1985) assesses parents' attitudes well-nigh childrearing and education. Each of thirty statements was rated on a 4-point calibration (one = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree). This instrument yielded 3 variables: (one) progressive attitudes (viii items; e.g., Children take a right to their own bespeak of view and should be immune to limited it.); (2) authoritarian attitudes (22 items; e.1000., The most important matter to teach children is absolute obedience to their parents.); and (3) modernity of childrearing attitudes (the departure betwixt the progressive attitudes score and the disciplinarian attitudes score). Internal consistency reliability for the iv attribution and three attitude variables were all above .60 (range = .68–.88) except for mother and father progressive attitudes which were .58 and .56, respectively.

Finally, research has pointed to cross-cultural differences in cocky-serving bias (e.g., Chandler, Shama, Wolf, & Planchard, 1981; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The 13-item Social Desirability Calibration (SDS-SF; Reynolds, 1982) was used to assess parents' possible social desirability bias. Statements like "I'm ever willing to admit when I make a error." were rated as True or False. Reliability of the SDS-SF was reported equally .76, and the correlation with the full-length SDS .93 in a U.S. sample (Reynolds, 1982), just we acknowledge that the measure'south reliability beyond cultures may differ. The SDS-SF was used every bit a covariate for parents' cocky-reported attributions and attitudes.

RESULTS

Analytic Program

Analyses proceeded in two stages. First, repeated-measures linear mixed models with gender of parent equally the within-subjects fixed factor tested for differences betwixt mothers' and fathers' attributions for successes and failures in caregiving situations and progressive versus authoritarian childrearing attitudes. The covariance structure was modeled as heterogeneous compound symmetry, accounting for the likelihood that parents' attributions and attitudes would be correlated, merely allowing mothers' and fathers' variances to differ. Country and the interaction between Parent gender and Land were too included as fixed furnishings. In linear mixed models, fixed effects do not follow exact F distributions; therefore, the denominator degrees of freedom are estimated using the Satterthwaite (1946) approximation and are non necessarily integers. Test results are presented with and without controls for mothers' and fathers' ages, teaching, and possible social desirability bias.

2d, the equivalence of mother-male parent correlations beyond countries was tested using multiple grouping models in AMOS 17. Multiple group models in which covariances (i.east., correlations between mother and male parent scores) were constrained to be equal across the 9 countries were compared to models in which the covariances were costless to vary across the 9 countries. To have the degrees of freedom to compute model fit statistics, we tested the 7 attribution and attitude measures in pairs, specifying no correlations across domains. If the differences in chi-foursquare values for the unconstrained and constrained models were nonsignificant, we concluded that female parent-father correlations were similar across countries. If the differences in chi-square values for the unconstrained and constrained models were meaning, we attempted to improve the modify in model fit past releasing the paths for ane or more than countries. Correlations were also computed between parents in the aforementioned family to assess similarity between mothers' attributions and attitudes and fathers' attributions and attitudes, respectively. Bivariate correlations every bit well as fractional correlations, controlling for parents' ages, levels of education, and possible social desirability bias, are presented. Correlations are interpreted following Cohen (1988) where r = .10 is interpreted equally a small consequence, r = .thirty as a medium effect, and r = .50 as a big effect.

Nosotros controlled for parental age and education considering parents who are older and those with higher levels of education are more than probable to aspect outcomes of caregiving situations to both parents' and children's efforts, whereas younger parents and those with lower levels of education are more likely to attribute outcomes of caregiving situations to biological factors or chance (children "are the style they are"; Bugental & Happaney, 2002). Parental pedagogy also is related to parents' attitudes regarding the advisability of particular parenting practices (Palacios & Moreno, 1996). Nosotros controlled for possible social desirability bias to account for parents' tendency to present themselves and their children favorably (Bugental, Johnston, New, & Silvester, 1998; Holden & Edwards, 1989).

Country and Gender Similarities and Differences in Parents' Attributions and Attitudes

Two significant Parent gender by State interactions emerged (Table ane), controlling for parents' age, educational activity, and possible social desirability bias: uncontrollable success, F(8, 1109.72) = 2.29, p < .05, and adult-controlled failure, F(eight, 1121.00) = 2.68, p < .01. Follow-upwards comparisons indicated that mothers scored higher than fathers on uncontrollable success attributions only in Italy, and mothers scored lower than fathers on developed-controlled failure attributions only in Sweden and the United states (mothers and fathers did not differ in all other countries). Given these significant interactions betwixt Parent gender and Land, the chief effects for uncontrollable success and developed-controlled failure attributions should exist interpreted with caution.

TABLE one

Interaction Effects for Parent Gender X Country and Tests of the Equality of the Correlations between Mothers and Fathers across 9 Countries

	F	F a	Δχ2	Δχii b
Attributions
Uncontrollable success	2.39*	2.29*	33.seventy***	--
Adult-controlled failure	2.48*	2.68**	31.37***	8.51c
Kid-controlled failure	1.86	i.82	twenty.34***	7.80c
Perceived control over failure	1.01	one.10	30.15***	6.00c
Attitudes
Progressive attitudes	1.06	.82	17.85*	11.85c
Authoritarian attitudes	2.04*	i.28	52.70***	eleven.63d
Modernity of attitudes	1.92	.92	34.51***	11.02e

As shown in Table 2, across all 9 countries, at that place were no significant main effects of parent gender on the four attribution measures (merely see above), but pregnant main effects were observed for all three attitude measures. Mothers reported more than progressive attitudes and modernity of attitudes, and fathers reported more than authoritarian attitudes overall. All of these differences remained meaning after decision-making for parents' age, teaching, and possible social desirability bias. However, the meaning differences in ways between mothers and fathers were minor, ranging from .12 to .18 standard deviations in the covariate controlled tests (see d ^a column in Tabular array ii).

TABLE 2

Descriptive Statistics, Main Furnishings of Parent Gender, and Correlations between Mothers and Fathers across 9 Countries

	Mothers M (SD)	Fathers Thou (SD)	F	F a	d	d a	r	r a
Attributions
Uncontrollable success	5.02 (1.eighteen)	4.96 (one.fifteen)	2.thirteen	two.27	.05	.05	.36***	.35***
Adult-controlled failure	4.27 (.77)	4.27 (.eighty)	.06	.00	.01	−.00	.17***	.17***
Child-controlled failure	3.97 (.68)	3.97 (.67)	.00	.00	.00	−.00	.14***	.14***
Perceived control over failure	.thirty (1.00)	.30 (1.04)	.02	.00	.01	−.00	.16***	.sixteen***
Attitudes
Progressive attitudes	three.14 (.35)	3.09 (.35)	16.84***	19.62***	.14	.16	.32***	.28***
Authoritarian attitudes	2.65 (.45)	ii.68 (.44)	half-dozen.72**	15.38***	−.07	−.12	.59***	.48***
Modernity of attitudes	.50 (.63)	.41 (.threescore)	24.11***	37.12***	.13	.18	.59***	.49***

Equally shown in Table 3, significant main effects of country emerged on all 7 parenting constructs in uncontrolled and controlled analyses. Considering nosotros were not interested in specific state contrasts, we explored deviations from the k mean of all countries equally a method of investigating which countries had relatively more extreme scores. Results from uncontrolled and controlled analyses are reported in Table 3, but merely covariate controlled analyses are detailed here and depicted in Figures 1 and ​ 2. For uncontrollable success attributions, China, Italian republic, Kenya, and Sweden scored significantly lower than the grand hateful, and Hashemite kingdom of jordan, the Philippines, Thailand, and the United states of america scored significantly higher than the grand mean. For adult-controlled failure attributions, Republic of colombia, Italia, and Jordan scored significantly lower than the grand mean, and China, Kenya, and Thailand scored significantly higher than the grand mean. For child-controlled failure attributions, Colombia, the Philippines, and the United States scored significantly lower than the grand hateful, and Italia, Kenya, and Thailand scored significantly higher than the grand hateful. For perceived control over failure, Colombia, Italy, and Jordan scored significantly lower than the grand hateful, and Communist china, the Philippines, and the United States scored significantly higher than the thousand mean. For progressive attitudes, Kenya and the Philippines scored significantly lower than the one thousand hateful, and Cathay, Jordan, Sweden, and Thailand scored significantly higher than the m mean.

Deviations from the grand mean for parental attributions.* p < .05.

Deviations from the yard mean for parental attitudes. *p < .05.

TABLE three

Descriptive Statistics and Chief Effects of Country

	People's republic of china	Colombia	Italia	Hashemite kingdom of jordan	Kenya	Philippines	Sweden	Thailand	United States	One thousand Hateful	F	F a
Attributions
Uncontrollable success	iv.27 (1.13)	5.25c (1.22)	4.87 (one.06)	5.51 (ane.01)	4.73 (1.09)	5.68 (.97)	4.62 (.lxxx)	5.32 (1.00)	five.49 (one.02)	5.08 (.48)	49.35	53.fifty
Adult-controlled failure	four.58 (.75)	3.96 (.75)	iv.13 (.80)	three.84 (.93)	4.45 (.73)	4.34b c (.65)	iv.16b c (.62)	4.42 (.78)	iv.26b c (.66)	iv.24 (.24)	26.51	24.67
Child-controlled failure	four.01b c (.78)	3.83 (.58)	4.11 (.lx)	iii.93b c (.77)	4.15 (.76)	3.80 (.47)	three.87b c (.51)	4.x (.68)	3.80 (.59)	3.96 (.14)	nine.39	9.51
Perceived control over failure	.57 (1.10)	.13 (.92)	.02 (1.00)	−.09 (1.22)	.30b c (.99)	.54 (.81)	.29b c (.72)	.32b c (.99)	.46 (.92)	.28 (.23)	xiii.62	12.23
Attitudes
Progressive attitudes	3.19 (.32)	3.11b c (.31)	3.tenb c (.30)	3.18 (.37)	2.77 (.38)	3.04 (.33)	3.27 (.31)	3.22 (.35)	3.11b c (.33)	3.eleven (.15)	32.30	30.99
Disciplinarian attitudes	2.42 (.34)	2.87 (.38)	2.69b c (.42)	2.71b c (.33)	three.02 (.38)	2.96 (.42)	2.28 (.32)	2.73b c (.32)	ii.56 (.54)	2.69 (.24)	59.10	68.23
Modernity of attitudes	.78 (.48)	.25c (.50)	.41b c (.53)	.47b c (.46)	−.25 (.57)	.08 (.52)	.99 (.47)	.49b (.52)	.55c (.68)	.42 (.36)	71.62	86.55

For authoritarian attitudes, China, Sweden, and the United States scored significantly lower than the grand mean, and Colombia, Republic of kenya, and the Philippines scored significantly college than the m hateful. Finally, for modernity of childrearing attitudes, Kenya and the Philippines scored significantly lower than the grand mean, and Red china, Sweden, and Thailand scored significantly higher than the thou hateful.

Within-Family Correlations between Parents' Attributions and Attitudes beyond Country

The differences in chi-square values for the unconstrained and constrained multiple group models were significant for all measures, indicating that one or more than countries had significantly different mother-father correlations (Table 1). Following the full general tests, we attempted to improve the change in model fit by releasing the paths for one or more countries. As seen in Table 1, releasing the coefficient for Hashemite kingdom of jordan significantly improved the model fit for adult- and child-controlled failure, perceived control over failure, and progressive attitudes. The correlation for Jordan was higher than the correlations in the other countries. Releasing the path coefficients for the Philippines and the The states significantly improved the model fit for authoritarian attitudes, and releasing the coefficient for the United States significantly improved the model fit for modernity of childrearing attitudes. The mother-father correlations in the Philippines and the United states of america were also higher than those in the other countries. Releasing the paths for 3 countries did not ameliorate the model fit for uncontrollable success, indicating greater variability across countries in the mother-begetter correlation for uncontrollable success. Hence, the pooled correlations presented below should be interpreted with caution.

The final columns of Table 2 present bivariate correlations of mothers' attributions and attitudes with fathers' corresponding attributions and attitudes, respectively. Every bit shown, all of the correlations were highly significant, merely the size of the correlations differed for attributions and attitudes. Overall, mother-father partial correlations were significantly college for attitudes (average r = .42, p < .001) than attributions (average r = .21, p < .001), z = five.62, p < .001. Furthermore, each individual mental attitude correlation was higher than each attribution correlation, zs = three.71 – 9.30, psouth < .0001, with the exception of uncontrollable success and progressive attitudes, which differed merely marginally, z = −1.83, p = .07.

DISCUSSION

The present study examined parenting attributions and attitudes amidst more than chiliad mothers and fathers of 7- to ten-year-olds in 9 countries. Country differences emerged in all attributions and attitudes nosotros examined, and they remained significant later controlling for parents' age, education, and possible social desirability of responding. Although mothers and fathers did not differ in any attribution overall, mothers reported more progressive parenting attitudes and modernity of childrearing attitudes than did fathers, and fathers reported more authoritarian attitudes than did mothers; these differences remained significant after controlling for parents' age, education, and possible social desirability of responding. Mothers' and fathers' attributions and their attitudes were likewise moderately correlated, but parenting attitudes were more highly correlated in parents than were attributions. In sum, for attributions mothers and fathers were equal and somewhat concordant (with only 3 culturally chastened differences in ways), and for attitudes mothers and fathers were unequal but concordant (and at a higher level than for attributions). Furthermore, on boilerplate mothers and fathers from all countries (except Kenya) held more progressive than authoritarian parenting attitudes.

Differences in Parenting Cognitions beyond Countries

During the lifecourse, individuals create ideas virtually parenting, children, and development that are adopted, interpreted, and transformed based on a variety of experiences. Although of import sources of cognitions reside in the individual's microsystem of personal experiences, cognitions must also be consequent with the culture considering they are embedded in and are created within the macrosystem. Recognizing these multiple levels of influence fosters a more comprehensive understanding of the determinants of family life.

State means of all seven parenting cognitions we investigated differed, even after controlling for parents' historic period, education, and possible social desirability bias. These differences indicate that parents in dissimilar countries are unequally probable to attribute responsibility for caregiving successes and failures, as they are to profess progressive versus disciplinarian parenting attitudes. These findings, first, fill a gap in knowledge regarding cultural variation in parents' attributions of successes and failures in caregiving and parents' progressive versus authoritarian childrearing attitudes, and, second, they point to the importance of acknowledging the significance of civilisation for parenting science (Bornstein, 1991, 2009). In the following discussion, we develop brief profiles of private countries based on each country's highs and lows relative to the grand ways of countries we studied. We do not comment when a country's mean responses practice not differ from the grand mean.

In our across state analysis, we looked at deviations from the grand hateful of countries that participated in the PAC (see Figures ane and ​ 2). So, for example, with respect to attributions for successes and failures and caregiving, Chinese parents rated uncontrollable success relatively low, whereas they rated adult-controlled failure and perceived control over failure relatively loftier. This suggests, with respect to parenting attributions, that Chinese parents see themselves equally more than less responsible for caregiving successes and failures in this group of countries. Lower levels of attributions regarding uncontrollable success are consistent with higher levels of parenting efficacy. These findings accord with previous research showing that parents in People's republic of china typically believe that children'south school performance is determined by effort--an attribution that assigns value to "trying harder" (rather than innate ability) as a means of doing better in school (Stevenson & Lee, 1990). In dissimilarity, many parents in Western countries are more likely to believe that school operation is determined by ability—an attributional pattern that is less suggestive of means that personal effort might improve performance. With respect to progressive versus disciplinarian childrearing attitudes, Chinese parents rated themselves as relatively low in terms of authoritarianness and reciprocally loftier in progressive and modern childrearing attitudes. There has been some question of whether Communist china's one-child policy has rendered Chinese parents more lax and permissive; these findings regarding low levels of authoritarian attitudes support their modernization. Chang, Chen, and Ji (2012) have also pointed out that the parents who participated in the PAC correspond a cohort that has experienced dynamic modernization.

In terms of attributions relative to other countries in the PAC, Colombian parents rated themselves low in adult-controlled, kid-controlled, and perceived control over caregiving failures. This suggests that, with respect to failures in childrearing, Colombian parents find other sources more appropriate and responsible. Colombian parents were also college than the thousand hateful of countries in endorsing an disciplinarian opinion to parenting, which is not atypical for South American countries. Latin American parents tend to display more disciplinarian attitudes regarding parenting (Dornbusch et al., 1987; Livingston & McAdoo, 2007). Latina mothers tend to physically guide children'southward actions, prefer discipline, and favor didactic teaching methods (Cardona, Nicholson, & Play a trick on, 2000). Chaudhuri, Easterbrooks, and Davis (2009) studied emotional relationships in first-fourth dimension (adolescent) mothers of toddlers and used cluster analysis to examine relations with mothers' reports of parenting attitudes and behaviors; Latina mothers were more than highly represented in a directive parenting group.

Italian parents rated themselves relatively low vis-à-vis parents in other PAC countries in terms of their attributions for uncontrollable success, simply also rated adult-controlled failures and perceived control over failures relatively low with respect to the grand mean of all countries; reciprocally, Italian parents rated child-controlled failures relatively high. This pattern is consistent with the view that Italian parents see kid development as more child-driven and equally a naturally unfolding phenomenon and consider the effectiveness of adult intervention less requisite and robust (Bornstein et al., 1998; New, 1989).

Parents in Jordan rated adult-controlled failure and perceived control over failure in caregiving relatively low, whereas they rated uncontrollable success relatively high. Obviously, parents in Jordan do non see themselves as responsible for parenting failures, but they do not come across themselves responsible for parenting successes either. Ane possibility is that, in the context of social change and recent public policies that are reforming the Jordanian education organization and national policies related to children (Toukan, Alnoaimi, & Odibat, 2006), Jordanian parents perceive that many factors affecting their children's success autumn outside of parental command. That being said, Jordanian parents as well profess relatively high progressive childrearing beliefs. These findings are consistent with several prior studies that take found Jordanian parents to concord progressive attitudes well-nigh parenting (Abu Aita, 2005; Sabri, 2002; Subehi, 1994).

Parents in Republic of kenya rated uncontrollable success in caregiving every bit relatively low compared to parents in other PAC countries, and they rated adult controlled failures as well as child controlled failures relatively high. Childrearing ideology among the Kenyan Luos (the ethnic grouping included in our study) describes childrearing every bit a deliberate adult activity with the express aim of shaping children so that they testify desirable outcomes; this ideology is illustrated by the mutual Luo maxim that "A tree is shaped while young, or when information technology is grown up it breaks" (Oburu, 2004; Ocholla-Ayayo, 1976). Our findings propose that Kenyan parents take both their children and themselves as responsible for failures of caregiving. With respect to their authoritarian versus progressive attitudes toward childrearing, Kenyan parents rated progressive attitudes and modern childrearing attitudes relatively low and reciprocally authoritarian attitudes relatively loftier, which is consistent with traditional structure in this social group where children occupy a relatively lower status in the social hierarchy than do their parents (Oburu & Palmerus, 2003).

In the Philippines, parents rated child-controlled failures equally partly responsible every bit a source of attribution in parenting, whereas they rated uncontrollable successes and perceived control over failure relatively loftier. This profile suggests that Filipino parents do not run into their children equally responsible for failures in caregiving but tend to see themselves as responsible for failures, but not successes. In a qualitative study, Filipino mothers and fathers expressed the view that children exercise not have a "mind of their own," have not withal developed reason and an understanding of reality, are impulsive, need firsthand gratification, and possess a natural penchant for mischief (De la Cruz, Protacio, Balanon, Yacat, & Francisco, 2001). Given these characterizations of children, information technology makes sense that Filipino parents hold themselves responsible for failures in caregiving. It is not clear why parents would not also concord themselves responsible for successes, just this might be function of a pervasive cultural blueprint of modesty and not elevating oneself above others (Bulatao, 1992). With respect to their attitudes, like Kenyan parents, Filipino parents rated progressive and modern childrearing attitudes low relative to other countries and authoritarian attitudes loftier, consistent with authoritarian attitudes plant among Filipino parents in previous inquiry (De la Cruz et al., 2001; Hoffman, 1988).

Swedish parents rated uncontrollable success relatively low; that is, they encounter themselves and their children as responsible for successful caregiving. In the Swedish cultural context of emphasizing children's agency and egalitarian relationships betwixt children and parents (Carlson & Earls, 2001), these attributions regarding successful caregiving make sense. With respect to their authoritarian versus progressive childrearing attitudes, Swedish parents hold views that are the changed of Kenyan and Filipino parents; that is, relative to other countries, Swedish parents rated authoritarian attitudes depression, whereas they rated progressive and modern attitudes relatively high. In this sense, the pattern of Swedish childrearing attitudes parallels the design in China (Effigy 2). Since the early 1900s, Sweden every bit a nation has emphasized children'south rights and equality betwixt children and parents (Cardinal, 1995). Sweden has been a leader in progressive social policies (e.grand., with respect to generous parental go out and the aga law prohibiting corporal penalty), which are likely both a effect and perpetuator of progressive attitudes.

In Thailand parents rated attributions almost uncontrollable success, developed-controlled failure, and child-controlled failure loftier relative to the other 8 countries in the PAC. In other words, Thai parents see themselves and their children as responsible for negative childrearing outcomes only less so positive ones. In improver, Thai parents, like parents in Sweden, professed progressive and modern childrearing attitudes. Previous inquiry has found that Thai parents stress the importance of children's obedience (Cameron, Tapanya, & Gillen, 2006), but in this comparative analytic approach Thai parents appeared less oriented toward authoritarian attitudes than the average across the other PAC countries.

Finally, relative to other countries in the PAC, parents in the United States rated kid-controlled failures relatively low, but they rated uncontrollable successes and perceived control over childrearing failures relatively loftier; that is, parents in the U.s. do not aspect caregiving failures to their children or successes to anyone, but assume responsibleness for failures in caregiving. Finally, with respect to their progressive-disciplinarian attitudes, parents in the United States rated authoritarian attitudes low relative to parents in other PAC countries. These findings accordance with the U.S. American cultural emphasis on individualism (Tamis-LeMonda & McFadden, 2009), which focuses on freedom, choice, and autonomy. On average, parents' attitudes about parenting seem to reflect cultural attitudes nigh granting children the liberty to make their own choices and express their own points of view.

Specific explanations for country-specific patterns are all-time left to ethnographies about the nature of children and the nature of parenting in specific countries, and many tin can also be found in individual country papers in this Special Consequence. Folk theories and ethnotheories evolve within particular cultures for such purposes (Reid & Valsiner, 1986). Ethnotheories focus on particular childrearing cognitions that characterize peoples who share culture (Harkness & Super, 1992). It is assumed that members of a society employ childrearing methods that are derived from an underlying conventionalities structure regarding the nature of child growth and evolution (LeVine, 1988). Every civilisation is in part instantiated in parent cognitions about the natures of parenting, childhood, and development. In some models cognitions are created through the transactions between culture and the individual, whereas in other models cognitions are created through the course of social interchanges between individuals. Of class such schema can exist expected to vary among cultures and, to some extent, among individuals within the civilisation.

In full general, country differences betwixt attributions regarding developed-controlled and child-controlled failures of caregiving might be explained by the means different peoples perceive control. Some may be more probable to call up that they have control over outcomes in life, and this orientation could use to parenting. Attributional patterns that reflect a generalized lack of perceived control accept been found in Western samples to be associated with less constructive parenting. For example, parents who believe that their newborns' perinatal issues are outside their control tend non to adapt every bit well as practise parents who see such issues as controllable (Tennen, Affleck, & Gershman, 1986). After, too, parents who believe that they lack control in caregiving are more likely to engage in harsh parenting practices and show a lack of positive bear upon (Janssens, 1994). Parents' beliefs in sure controllable causes, such as child attempt, tend to predict their children'southward academic success, whereas parents' beliefs in uncontrollable causes, such equally luck, are likely associated with children's underachievement (O'Sullivan & Howe, 1996).

Similarly, state differences in progressive and authoritarian attitudes articulate with societal encouragement of child agency. Parents who hold more disciplinarian attitudes may encourage less agency in their children than parents who hold more progressive attitudes. The furnishings of dissimilar parenting styles on children have been shown to vary within and across civilisation. For example, Leung, Lau, and Lam (1998) studied relations between parenting styles and academic accomplishment in Australia, China, Hong Kong, and the U.s.a.. Disciplinarian parenting was associated with lower academic accomplishment in Australia, Communist china, and the United states, but it was associated with higher academic achievement in Hong Kong. Furthermore, within Commonwealth of australia and the United States, authoritarian parenting was associated with college bookish achievement among parents with low education. Encouraging culturally appropriate kid agency could lead to better outcomes for children.

Similarities and Differences betwixt Mothers and Fathers

Overall, mothers and fathers did not differ in hateful levels of any of 4 caregiving attributions, including uncontrollable success, developed or child controlled failure, and perceived control over failure (but meet interactions for Italy, Sweden, and the U.s.a.). However, mothers and fathers differed in mean levels of all three caregiving attitudes, with mothers professing more than progressive and modern childrearing attitudes and fathers more authoritarian ones. At the aforementioned fourth dimension that mothers and fathers were similar in their mean levels of attributions and concordant in their attributions and attitudes, the two parents differed in their attitudes, and, though pregnant, mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes shared merely 4% and 18% of their common variance. Medium effect sizes were found for concordances between parents in the aforementioned family unit for attributions and big effect sizes for attitudes, fifty-fifty after controlling for parents' age, pedagogy, and possible social desirability bias.

What factors might explain similarities between parents? Both cocky-option and mutual socialization could explicate why parents independently report possessing similar mean level attributions and relatively like levels of attributions and attitudes regarding parenting. Through assortative mating, men and women who are similar on a number of dimensions (parenting cognitions possibly existence one) may be more probable to select into relationships and have children with ane some other than are men and women who concord divergent beliefs (Luo & Klohnen, 2005). Once they are in a relationship, men and women may influence ane another's attributions and (more) attitudes toward greater consonance. In some societies, too, culture instructs mothers and fathers alike in uniform conceptions of caregiving and child development (Durrant & Olsen, 1997), which may contribute to or reinforce discussions between parents most childrearing. Such discussions could issue in more than similar cognitions. Mother-father similarities could also be influenced past legislation that encourages parents to take equal caregiving responsibleness (Haas, 1996). In Sweden, for example, nigh lxxx% of mothers and ninety% of fathers work outside the dwelling and are given equal opportunities to combine work and family unit (Allard, 2007). Swedish legislation, designed to encourage both parents to stay at home with their kid, could help to render mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes relatively more similar to each other. Finally, once a child is born, responding to the same stimulus ("child furnishings") could engender and maintain interparental similarity. Although they did covary, mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes were more different than the same, regardless of culture. One reason that mothers and fathers might differ in their parenting cognitions is that, on boilerplate, mothers spend more than time with children and accept more responsibility for their day-to-day care and well-existence than do fathers (Day & Lamb, 2004). Moreover, mothers take been socialized into the parenting role more than intensively than fathers, which may lead to more reflection and credence of alternative explanations of development on the part of mothers. Factors of motivation and experience in interactions may shape parents' unlike cognitions. Of course, different explanations could obtain for attributions versus attitudes and mean level versus relative similarities and difference. However, the cross-cultural information undermine the plausibility of these full general explanations because of the variation in mean level results between attributions and attitudes. Mothers and fathers did not differ in their mean levels of attributions regarding successes and failures in parenting, but did differ in hateful levels of attitudes, and so explanations of differences in cognitions attributable to structural characteristics, similar time with child, as well every bit explanations congenital on common cause, like child effects, lose strength.

Whether the prove is stronger for selection or socialization factors in explaining similarities between wives and husbands poses a question that defines further research. Information technology is noteworthy in this regard that, on an assortative mating explanation, relatively strong similarities in childrearing cognitions would be hypothesized to come into play well before actual childrearing. Parents might opt into a relationship with someone who has similar cognitions about parenting. Explanations that appeal to parents electing into relationships with similar partners and shaping one some other to become more than similar over fourth dimension are not mutually exclusive. Romantic partners might select each other because they share similar attitudes in full general, just not specifically parenting attitudes. Once in a relationship, and with the appearance of a child, discussions about parenting could eventually contribute to mother-father similarities. These considerations of the mother-begetter rest in parenting lead to our final bespeak, about coparenting.

Coparenting

In near cultures, equally in our samples, ii collaborating persons, namely the kid'south mother and begetter, coparent to encounter the challenges of childrearing. Mutual back up and cooperation contra antagonism and undermining are presumed to be of import to succeed at this challenge (e.g., Teubert & Pinquart, 2010). Where parenting mode may describe mothers' and fathers' parenting in their individual interactions with a child, the concept of coparenting describes collaboration in childrearing of two parental figures who share responsibilities for at least i kid (Feinberg, 2003). Given that parents' cognitions are multiply determined and based partly on their own families of origin, it is not surprising that coming to agreement on childrearing issues is an surface area of frequent difficulty, according to parents themselves (Feinberg, 2002). Children growing upwardly in families that beget greater consistency will have an easier fourth dimension divining and internalizing rules of comportment, achieving effective self-regulation, and coming to perceive a stable and trustworthy interadult brotherhood in the family than will children from families where the coparents are less consistent with one some other.

The conceptual framework of coparenting operationalized by Feinberg (2003) includes four overlapping domains: agreement or disagreement on childrearing issues, division of child-related labor, back up/undermining for the coparental role, and the articulation management of family interactions. The first component of coparenting is the degree to which parental figures hold on child-related topics, such equally attributions and attitudes most childrearing. We studied this first component of coparenting in mothers and fathers in the same family unit. Childrearing understanding, refers, not to interparental dynamics, merely to whether and the degree to which parents' views of how to rear a child are similar or not. This aspect can exist seen as a key platform on which coparenting relationships are built. If parents do not agree with each other virtually how to parent, the opportunity for conflict volition be greater and coparenting supportively is likely to require substantial and ongoing negotiation and compromise.

The nature of coparenting in each family is likely affected past private factors, but individual factors are formed in the context of larger cultural themes. Much, though not all, of the research on coparenting to date has been conducted with somewhat limited samples comprised of European descent, North American, middle-course families. Piffling enquiry examines coparenting among more various family types, cultures, contexts, and stages (Hortacsu, 1999; McHale, Rao, & Krasnow, 2000). Yet, the class of the coparenting relationship might be shaped to a large extent by parents' behavior, values, desires, and expectations, which in plough are influenced by the dominant civilization every bit well as associated subcultural themes within socioeconomic, ethnic, and religious groups.

A bones principle we would expect to obtain is that, regardless of who does what, socialization of immature children should proceed most efficiently when there is functional agreement and coordination between parenting figures. Parents who are on the aforementioned folio and who work in concert are in a better position to beget a stable, consistent, and anticipated environment for children than are parents who work at cross-purposes. Preschool-aged children from families where larger discrepancies are found between mothers' and fathers' parenting cognitions showroom more beliefs problems than do children whose parents are more than similar (Block, Cake, & Morrison, 1981). These observations have been replicated by Deal, Halverson, and Wampler (1989), using an alphabetize of childrearing agreement-disagreement, and by Jouriles, Murphy, Farris, and Smith (1991), who employed a self-report approximate of coparental disagreement. However, Deal, Halverson, and Wampler (1999) hypothesized and establish support for the view that what drives this relation is not parents' attitudinal similarity per se, but rather the adherence of each parent to normative attitudes of the culture. Hence, whatsoever 2 parents sharing greater similarity in the standard cultural views of parenting or child development are socializing their children into socially accustomed beliefs. Non surprisingly, those children are considered to function more competently in the civilization.

Limitations and Directions for Future Inquiry

Certain characteristics of our samples limit the generalizability of our findings. Families are not static, only are relentlessly irresolute due in part to developmental processes occurring inside all individuals. Thus, in addition to private and betwixt-family differences, coparenting changes over time (e.g., Kreppner, 1988). We studied mothers and fathers with children of a specific age (Thou ≈ 8 years). So, interparental agreement in terms of hateful and relative levels could differ in parents of younger or older children as it would in parents married for different lengths of fourth dimension. We too studied families from urban areas in each country. There may be within-country regional differences in parenting attributions and attitudes, with parents in urban areas perhaps holding more progressive and less disciplinarian attitudes than parents in rural areas. For the purpose of comparing findings across countries, we analyzed data from all three U.S. indigenous groups as a single sample, simply there are some ethnic group differences in attributions and attitudes within the U.s.a. (Lansford et al., 2012). Finally, we attempted to ensure that the measures used in this study were appropriately translated and adapted to each culture, simply internal consistency was non ideal and we have no data nigh whether the scales were statistically invariant across countries.

In Western literature, lack of agreement between parents has been linked to child behavior problems and other negative outcomes (Deal et al., 1989; Vaughn, Cake, & Block, 1988). It remains to exist seen if such are the consequences in other contexts, where mothers and fathers are non like in attributions merely where delineations in parenting roles are culturally normative. It is possible that mothers' attributions and attitudes may be more influential in determining children's outcomes, and male parent's cognitions, and the concordance betwixt the two, may matter less. These issues are candidates for further study.

Recognition of these family unit relationships is important to foster a comprehensive understanding of the determinants of family life and to ensure that we exercise not neglect potential targets of intervention. What factors moderate the sizes of associations in coparenting and between coparenting and child adjustment? Other possible moderators include: children'due south age, gender, clinical versus nonclinical condition, family income, marriage status of parents, and blueprint (cross-sectional versus longitudinal) and pattern biases. Children and adolescents of families residing at lower socioeconomic statuses are at elevated risk for developing problem behavior (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002). Under such adverse circumstances, positive coparenting (in terms of loftier understanding) may exist of detail importance in fostering positive child development. Some other sample limitation of this report is that, although we were able to examine mothers and fathers from 9 countries, we were non able to include others. Because of our focus on examining relations between mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes, our analyses were besides express to those families in which both a mother and male parent were available to respond to our measures. These included families in which the parents had never married (8%) or in which they had divorced or separated (3%), but at that place were even so two parents to provide data. In addition, nosotros assume greater disagreement in samples with separated or divorced parents considering parental separation or divorce give more reasons for disagreements or conflicts about childrearing as well as triangulation and less opportunity for parental cooperation.

Children and youth do not simply recognize and reply to striking aspects of parental behavior, like conflict and active coalition creation, but also to more than subtle and perhaps hidden aspects, such as lack of agreement and absenteeism of cooperation and support between parents. Grych, Seid, and Fincham (1992) showed that children recognize these subtle aspects of their parents' interactions. Concerning the psychological mechanisms underlying associations between coparenting and kid adjustment, positive agreement and cooperation patterns between parents may promote the evolution of social competence in children. Whether understanding is facilitating or protective beyond countries warrants further report.

Conclusions

The facet of parenting science concerned with cognitions attempts to sympathise what cognitions parents hold, why they agree specific cognitions, what functions those cognitions serve, how those cognitions are shared, and the effects of those cognitions on parents, children, and families. Across 9 countries, we institute both land and parent gender variations in parents' childrearing attitudes, but only country differences in attributions. Overall, moderate cyclopedia too emerged between mothers' and fathers' attributions and more so attitudes. Country and parent gender differences suggest that likely powerful cultural processes assistance shape childrearing attitudes. Despite country and parent gender differences, however, the overall means revealed that, on average, mothers and fathers from all different countries held more progressive than authoritarian parenting attitudes. According to Norenzayan and Heine (2005), this kind of converging evidence across cultural groups is a central to understanding the generalizability of psychological processes. In conjunction with the other papers in this Special Issue, this work contributes to the literature a novel focus on ways that culture and parent gender relate to mothers' and fathers' attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving and progressive versus disciplinarian attitudes near childrearing.

Acknowledgments

We thank East. Schmidt and T. Taylor. This enquiry was funded past the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Evolution grant RO1-HD054805 and Fogarty International Center grant RO3-TW008141 and supported past the Intramural Inquiry Program of the NIH, NICHD.

Contributor Information

Marc H. Bornstein, Child and Family Inquiry, Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Kid Health and Human Development, Suite 8030, 6705 Rockledge Drive, Bethesda Dr. 20892-7971.

Diane L. Putnick, Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Kid Wellness and Human Development.

Jennifer East. Lansford, Duke Academy.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3173779/

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